Tuesday, July 23, 2024

A Political and Economic History of China, Part 24: The Qing Dynasty’s Legacy

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9 MIN READ - The Cautious Optimism Correspondent for Economic Affairs and Other Egghead Stuff closes out his history of the Chinese dynasties, this time with his own two cents: a longer analysis of how the last dynasty’s “Century of Humiliation” has rightly and wrongly shaped present-day Chinese attitudes and CCP policies towards the West.

The Economics Correspondent has devoted a lengthy thirteen articles to the Qing dynasty of 1644-1912, more than all the other dynasties combined, because in his opinion the Qing is both more interesting and more relevant to today’s China than all the others combined.

Poring through the work of western China historians one will find the focus of their work also heavily weighted towards the Qing.

The reasons aren’t hard to grasp.

Prior to the Qing there was little contact between China and westerners, mostly Silk Road merchants and the occasional Jesuit scholar-priest.

That all changed during the Qing when contact and interaction with the West soared, and the end result was western dominance over China with the so-called Great Powers winning frequent military conflicts and encroachment upon Chinese territory.

Another element that adds to the intrigue: the Qing rulers weren’t even ethnic Han Chinese but instead Manchurian invaders from the north, eventually leading to secret Han plots to overthrow and expel their alien overlords.

Then there’s the decline of the Qing and China itself, a topic that stirs resentment among Chinese even today.

Before the late 18th century China, even when ruled by other dynasties, had always been the dominant Far East power, interrupted briefly by the chaos of insurrections when dynasties were overthrown every few centuries. China had overshadowed the region for thousands of years, and historians believe it was likely the richest and most powerful nation on earth during the golden ages of the Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties.

The decline of the Qing changed all of that.

Not only did China fall into the same disarray that typified the declines of most other dynasties, but this time it was subjugated by foreign powers from the West or, in the minds of 19th, 20th century, and present-day Chinese, “humiliated.”

Hence the widely-used term “Century of Humiliation,” invoked repeatedly by the CCP and defined as roughly 1839 to 1949, from the First Opium War to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China.

How is the Century of Humiliation viewed by the Chinese public and the western public? Or by the Chinese communist government and western governments? 

Quite differently.

CHINESE ATTITUDES

While western academics and history buffs recognize the past misdeeds of the European, Russian, and Japanese governments who carved up Chinese territory and even exported opium to China, most Chinese make no such concessions regarding the Qing’s many blunders.

According to most Chinese the West is completely at fault and China was entirely the victim.

The CCP pushes the same narrative via its propaganda, in part because it’s useful for Beijing.

China is becoming more assertive in the 21st century and butting heads with the USA, Australia, Japan, India, and other neighbors, some of whom have asked for US military protection. Given its ambitions the CCP knows more confrontations are inevitable and uses “Century of Humiliation” propaganda to stroke resentment and anger among its own people whose support they will rely on during future conflicts. Xi Jinping has also preemptively multiplied public references to the Opium Wars, citing it more than any of his predecessors.

And it’s not just mainland Chinese.

While Hong Kong Chinese and non-indigenous Taiwanese, who haven’t been bombarded by communist propaganda for 75 years, may hold a more balanced view of the West, nationalistic sentiment still runs deep for some. Ethnic Chinese are generally a very proud people with, in the Correspondent’s opinion, a great deal to be legitimately proud of given China’s magnificent history and culture. So it’s easy for even non-communist Chinese to harbor feelings of resentment when discussing the Century of Humiliation. Nationalist fervor can sometimes cloud their perspective as well.

As historian Stephen Platt has mentioned, westerners watch the recent ascent of Chinese power with interest, but Chinese see nothing interesting about it at all. In their view history is simply reverting back to the norm, when China was the dominant power in Asia and even the world—a norm that was rudely interrupted by the malfeasance of predatory foreign powers during the 19th and early 20th centuries.

WESTERN ATTITUDES

Well the Correspondent differs with most Chinese, whether they be mainland communist Chinese, Hong Kong, or Taiwanese. And this difference of opinion has invoked a lot of discomfort and even anger among some Chinese the Correspondent has corresponded with and even knows personally.

But so be it. The facts are not on their side.

First, it’s important to establish that the West was still *mostly* at fault. This was the period of European and Japanese colonialism, when world powers competed with one another by conquering faraway lands and expanding their empires.

Although Great Britain never “conquered” vast territories within China, it did gain complete control over Hong Kong—not to “rule” but to establish a safe haven for trade free from the massive Qing corruption that had prevailed in Canton for nearly a century. However Russia, Germany, France, and Japan outright grabbed land, and a lot of it. Germany colonized Shandong province, Japan grabbed Korea and Taiwan, France extracted most of Vietnam from China, and Russia took the most of all: over one million square kilometers, mostly in Manchuria.

The British also exported vast quantities of opium into China to solve its trade deficit problem—with the explicit approval of Parliament—effectively turning China into a nation of drug addicts. The American government didn’t adopt a policy of opium dealing and opium didn’t grow in American territories anyway, but in the spirit of laissez-faire its politicians ignored the opium shipping activities of private American merchants.

On this front the Correspondent believes Chinese have every right to complain about misconduct by western powers.

But the Qing dynasty screwed up plenty too leading, in the Correspondent’s opinion, to perfectly avoidable conflicts and China’s downward spiral. The examples that follow have been covered in the Correspondent’s previous columns.

First, the British sale of opium to China didn’t originate from wanton greed and avarice. 46 years before the First Opium War Britain sent a diplomatic mission to Beijing to establish free trade and formal relations. The Macartney Embassy of 1793 wished to trade British manufactures, the products of its first industrial revolution, for Chinese tea, silk, and porcelain.

The Qianlong emperor not only rejected all British proposals (including diplomatic relations), he dismissed the ambassadors and Britain itself as a horde of lowly barbarians, using the word barbarian repeatedly when writing to King George III that (paraphrasing) “China has everything and needs nothing from your country” and renouncing the industrial revolution.

Meanwhile Qianlong had allowed a professional flatterer to gain full control of the Qing finance ministry who in turn literally bankrupted the empire through embezzlement (another mistake).

To solve the Qing’s self-inflicted fiscal crises, the Jiaqing and Daoguang emperors adopted a formal trade policy of protectionism—keeping western goods out of China while selling vast quantities of silk, tea, and porcelain to the West—to run perpetual trade surpluses which were still unable to offset the vast corruption draining the imperial treasury.

When the British returned and requested free trade and formal diplomatic relations again (1816), the Jiaqing emperor also rejected their overtures and the meeting got held up over Qing demands that the British barbarians, now vastly superior economically, technologically, and militarily, perform the kowtow.

The British in particular, tiring of losing silver to China year after year due to Qing protectionist policies, resorted to opium smuggling to resolve the trade imbalance and the rest is history. But had the Qing accepted free trade earlier no such conflict over opium would have taken place.

Some Chinese argue that even if free trade flourished between the two nations the predatory British would still have forced opium on China out of pure greed. While it’s impossible to go back and conduct a grand counterfactual experiment changing some of the variables to observe the new outcome, the Correspondent believes history has already dispelled that theory.

All one has to do is look at Japan.

When American Commodore Matthew Perry sailed his “black ships” to Japan in 1853—ships capable of moving under their own power which terrified many Japanese—and fired his guns in Tokyo Bay, Japan immediately realized it had fallen behind the rest of the world and quickly embraced free trade with the West. In a more farsighted decision Japanese officials, including the great Meiji emperor, understood that Japan would benefit most by importing western technology and learning from it, and within less than fifty years Japan rose from an isolated agricultural island to a major world power.

Despite Japan opening its markets, both imports and exports, the West never forced opium on Japan nor did the Japanese become a nation of opium addicts.

In the Correspondent’s opinion, had the Qing had not closed China off from the world while engaging in blatant protectionism, Britain would not have tired of an unequal trade arrangement and resorted to opium to balance it. China would also have strengthened herself immeasurably.

There were more mistakes.

In the years before the First Opium War British officials happily allowed Qing officials to ride their warships in a demonstration of western technology. The ship “inspections” were primarily an attempt to convince the Qing government that open trade with Britain would bring tangible benefits to China.

Qing officials relayed detailed reports back to the emperor that British naval vessels were vastly superior to Chinese junks, noting they didn’t require favorable winds, were capable of “fantastic speeds,” and employed cannons with superior firepower and range which could be pointed in any direction. In other words, the westerners can’t be subdued militarily.

Yet when the first conflict over opium broke out, the Daoguang emperor and his imperial court were so deluded they actually *welcomed* the war and instructed their navy to “subdue” and “destroy” the British. The result, of course, was a humiliating rout that ultimately delivered Hong Kong to the “big nosed barbarians.”

In the Correspondent’s opinion, living delusional fantasies about your own country’s military capabilities is a huge mistake under any circumstances. But welcoming a war with a superior navy, one whose government you’ve been playing protectionist games with for decades and degrading as “inferior barbarians,” is an even bigger mistake.

Another blunder: when the Second Opium War broke out the British sent an expeditionary force to Beijing to negotiate terms to end the fighting. The Xianfeng emperor sent emissaries to meet the British and agree to the terms, proposing the negotiators proceed to Beijing for talks while the larger expeditionary force, which moved more slowly, would catch up a few days later for the final signing ceremony.

But instead of negotiating in good faith the Qing tortured and executed most of the negotiator party which had entered Beijing under flag of truce. Qing cavalry then launched a sneak attack against the smaller British expeditionary force from both sides but were repelled (actually devastated) by Britain’s new Armstrong artillery guns.

When the expeditionary force got to Beijing the imperial court had fled and the British found most of their comrades executed with their bodies mutilated. British troops were so outraged that they wanted to burn down all of Beijing but the embassy’s leader, Lord Elgin, convinced them to punish only the emperor by sacking and burning down his summer vacation palace.

Again, the Correspondent considers the Qing ruse, torture and killing of diplomatic negotiators under flag of truce, and surprise ambush, especially against a military they had known for over two decades was vastly superior, a foolish mistake.

As the decades dragged on the Empress Dowager Cixi, who ruled China for 47 years, continued to resist trade with the West and even stymied internal reform and modernization of China itself. She embezzled state funds on a vast scale including, famously, money appropriated for modernizing the Qing navy which instead built her notorious “floating marble palace” to throw lavish parties at her summer resort. 

One year later the Qing Navy was routed by the Imperial Japanese Navy and China was forced to cede Korea and Taiwan to their increasingly belligerent neighbor.

Another huge bungle on part of the Qing.

Although there are countless more errors that would have produced far better outcomes for China had the Qing sidestepped them, we’ll focus lastly on the Boxer Rebellion.

When a pro-Qing secret society moved to violently expel all westerners from China the Empress Dowager Cixi, knowing the West was now even more superior militarily than ever, took a quiet noncommittal stance.

Her silence, interpreted as tacit approval, encouraged the insurgents (known as the Boxers) to begin massacring western civilians, diplomats, priests, nuns, and thousands of Chinese Christian converts.

Seeing the suffering of westerners and their Christian churches burning, Cixi openly supported the Boxers and urged them to continue killing civilians until all westerners were gone, another huge mistake that set China back.

Predictably the western powers, hearing their civilian subjects were being beheaded all over northern China, sent a multinational allied expeditionary force to Beijing which easily defeated combined Qing-Boxer fighters. China was forced to pay a huge monetary indemnity which the United States partially refunded to build Qinghua University in Beijing, China’s most prestigious learning institution today.

Had the Qing simply embraced free trade and diplomatic relations with the West in the late 18th century all of the wars, ceding of territory, monetary reparations, and loss of life would have been avoided (in the Correspondent’s view).

Mention of these Qing mistakes and their consequences is nearly guaranteed to incense most mainland Chinese and even some Hong Kongers and Taiwanese. But in the Correspondent’s opinion they are undeniable facts and Chinese would be better served learning from them instead of more commonly lashing out in anger. 

In the end, the West was still mostly at fault, but the Qing dynasty made fatal mistake after fatal mistake—in sharp contrast to Japan which opened up to the world and subsequently modernized and prospered.

Unfortunately given the CCP’s incessant propaganda, which reinforces the narrative the West was completely in the wrong and China was entirely the victim, the prospects for greater Chinese introspection, more nuanced reflection on the Century of Humiliation, and a moderation of today’s anti-Western rhetoric are not very good.

Wednesday, July 17, 2024

Unemployment Creep and Recession Statistics

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As of June 2024 the official U.S. unemployment rate is 4.1%, up 0.7 points from the April 2023 post-Covid low of 3.4%.

Why is this interesting?

First of all unemployment virtually never jumps through the roof right before a recession. That always happens during the recession itself (see attached St. Louis Federal Reserve chart).

https://fred.stlouisfed.org/graph/?g=1q0rV

Preview:

However one might notice that unemployment does creep up slightly right before recessions begin. When the recession starts, other economic indicators also suggest a slump may be starting but since unemployment remains relatively low—albeit not an absolute low—debate usually rages as to whether a recession is coming or not. The debate is usually settled six months later when it's obvious to everyone.

But here’s an interesting factoid about the recent 0.7% increase in the unemployment rate:

Going back to the 1980’s, the unemployment rate has never risen 0.7% from a cyclical low without entering a recession.

Before the 2007-09 recession, unemployment bottomed out at 4.4% in May of 2007. By the time it had risen 0.7 points to 5.1% it was March 2008 and the economy had just entered recession—although the NBER didn’t make its official recession announcement until eight months later.

Before the 2001 recession, unemployment bottomed out at 3.8% in April of 2000. By the time it rose 0.7 points to 4.5% it was June 2001 and the economy had also just entered recession. Once again the NBER didn’t make its official recession announcement until six months later.

Before the 1990-91 recession, unemployment bottomed out at 5.0% in March 1989. By the time it rose 0.7 points to 5.7% it was August 1990 and the economy had just entered recession. Once again the NBER announcement came much later.

The 2020 Covid recession was unique in that it was manmade with states shutting down their economies due to Covid. However the pattern remains: by the time cyclically low unemployment of 3.5% (February 2020) had risen 0.7 points to 4.2% (4.5% one month later) the economy was in recession, although given the sudden nature of the pandemic there was no “creep up” period prior.

Unemployment bottoming out and rising 0.7 points adheres to the same predictive pattern in the 1981-82 Volcker recession, the 1980 Jimmy Carter recession, the 1973-75 OPEC recession, the 1969-70 recession, and the 1960-61 recession—basically all nine recessions going back to 1960.

The first and only exception occurs in June 1959, 65 years ago, when unemployment rose from the June low of 5.0% to 5.8% by November without an official recession, although it was close: Q3 and Q4 GDP growth in 1959 was just +0.07% and +0.28% respectively.

The pattern then resumes without exception during the recessions of 1948-49, 1953-54, and 1957-58.

Additional Fed tables indicate the pattern continues without exception during the recession of 1945, and economic historians’ unemployment estimates continue to match the 0.7% pattern during the Great Depression: in the Depression of 1937-38 and Herbert Hoover's Great Depression contraction of 1929-1933.

One last “exception” (which really isn’t an exception) was a rapid 5% increase in unemployment during 1934 after Franklin Roosevelt signed the National Industrial Recovery Act. The slump was swift, rapid, and painful, but because contraction only lasted a few months it didn’t meet the “two consecutive quarters” definition and wasn’t officially recorded as recession. i.e. contraction began the last month of Q1 but Q1 as a whole was left barely positive, there was a massive contraction in Q2 which was dizzyingly negative, and contraction the first month of Q3 was followed by two months of growth leaving Q3 also barely positive—the net result being a 2007-09 sized Great Recession compressed into a five-month period that didn’t produce two consecutive negative quarters.

But it was a recession, and a big one at that.

So the pattern holds up for 15 of the last 15 recessions going back for a century, with a single false signal in 1959. And once unemployment was 0.7 percentage points above the cyclical low, the economy was already in recession in 15 of the last century's 15 recessions, not "about the enter one."

Disclaimer: Although the Economics Correspondent thinks the U.S. economy has entered a time window where the beginning of recession is highly likely—April 2024 to December 2024—he doesn’t claim this unemployment statistic guarantees recession has begun, only that, like so many indicators we’ve seen the last year or two, it’s yet again consistent with imminent recessions of the past.

Past performance is no guarantee of future results, but if the economy doesn't enter recession in the next 12 months this particular case will be a statistical unicorn.

Tuesday, July 9, 2024

A Political and Economic History of China, Part 23: Sun Yat-sen and the Anticlimactic Collapse of the Qing Dynasty

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7 MIN READ - The Cautious Optimism Correspondent for Economic Affairs and Other Egghead Stuff reaches the end of China’s last dynasty (at last).

Nationalist Party flag... in China?
At the turn of the 20th century China lagged hopelessly behind the western powers and Japan. Its ruling dynasty, the Qing, was irredeemably corrupt after 256 years in power. Great Britain enjoyed control of Hong Kong and Kowloon while large swaths of Qing territory had been swallowed up and colonized by Russia, Germany, France, and Japan (the latter seizing Korea and Taiwan from China after a brief war in 1895).

For over a century ethnic Han Chinese formed secret societies dedicated to overthrowing the Qing, and in that time multiple failed rebellions broke out costing literally tens of millions of lives.

As the new century began a small, seemingly insignificant anti-Qing society—started in Hawaii of all places—was co-founded by an insurgent who would later become the unlikely hero of modern Chinese history, akin to George Washington in the United States.

His name was Dr. Sun Zhongshan, better known in the west by his Cantonese name Sun Yat-sen.

A GLANCE AT DR. SUN

Before we get into a brief account of his life we should mention that Sun Yat-sen is a nearly unique Chinese figure, revered by both the Communist Party in Beijing and the Nationalist Party in Taiwan (formerly led by Chiang Kai-shek). The two sides don’t agree on much, but they’re unified in their praise of Sun as the founding father of modern China.

Sun was born in 1866 in a poor section of Guangdong (formerly known as Canton province) in Southern China. As a child his studies focused heavily on science and in 1878 he followed his older brother to study in Hawaii. It was during these preparatory years that he learned English and, more importantly, was exposed to western political philosophy.

Afterwards he returned to Guangdong to study medicine, but during his early twenties Sun became more enamored with revolutionary politics and a hardening view that China must transform itself into a modern, democratic state.

On a side note the Correspondent remembers reading long ago passages from Sun’s personal journals about western encroachment. He disliked British colonialism in Southern China, yet he observed that Hong Kong was clean, modern, safe, and prosperous while Guangzhou, just an hour’s train ride inland and under Qing jurisdiction, was poor, filthy, disease ridden, and technologically backwards. The contrast between British-administered and Qing-administered China convinced Sun that his country had to change course and adopt many western institutions.

In 1894 Sun wrote a lengthy letter to Li Hongzhang, the Qing’s top military official and also known to be a reform sympathizer, outlining his plan to modernize China. Being a virtual nobody at the time, Sun received no response. He even traveled north to Tianjin to meet with Li who never received him.

Faced with rejection via the inside route Sun gave up medicine and devoted his life to overthrowing the Qing. He returned to Hawaii in 1895 and co-founded the Revive China Society, at that time just another insignificant one of countless anti-Qing societies agitating for revolution.

Sun used his western education and knowledge of English to travel the world and raise money for anti-Qing activities, mostly from overseas reform-minded Chinese. Once Sun felt he had raised enough he sent the money back to China with which the society sponsored two uprisings (1895 and 1900), both of which failed.

By this point Sun was on the Qing government’s enemy radar and living in exile, spending his time in Europe, the United States, Japan, and Southeast Asia. His Revive China Society merged with several other secret societies to form the larger Tongmenghui group which funded six more uprisings in 1907 and 1908, all of which failed.

All the organized attempts to overthrow the Qing fizzled out, and the situation didn’t look hopeful. Yet, in one of those many strange turns of history, another seemingly fated uprising in 1911 unexpectedly worked.

THE XINHAI REVOLUTION

The so-called Wuchang Uprising, named after the city where it took place, initially failed. But when the local Qing viceroy ordered his troops to execute captured rebels the soldiers, who had not been paid for some time, mutinied on October 10th and the viceroy fled.

Word quickly spread of the insurrection and Qing soldiers began mutinying in city after city, most of them also having worked without pay.

Although soldiers in a few cities and provinces refused to turn against the government, the Qing collapsed throughout most of China in a rapid domino fashion. It seems the Qing's hold on China was a house of cards just waiting for a breeze to knock it down and Wuchang provided it.

Mental note: history has repeatedly shown governments that don’t pay their militaries run a much higher risk of being overthrown.

The collapse of Qing authority is known as the Xinhai Revolution and it marks probably the most bloodless end of a major dynasty in Chinese history. Although the history books tally perhaps 100,000 dead in those areas where Qing soldiers were willing to fight, the death toll is insignificant when compared to the blood shed during the falls of the Qin, Han, Tang, Song, Southern Song, Yuan, and Ming dynasties (i.e. all the other big ones).

Although the Correspondent won’t rehash the details of the end of every one of those dynasties, the Qin, Han, Tang, Yuan, and Ming involved nationwide rebellions that often laid waste to China while the Song and Southern Song were both finished by bloody, outside invasion (the first by Jurchen tribes from the north, the latter by Kublai Khan and the Mongols).

October 10th is now celebrated by the Taiwan Nationalist Party as “Double Ten Day” commemorating the end of thousands of years of imperial rule in China.

Ironically, in another one of those strange twists of history, Sun Yat-sen wasn’t even in China on October 10th but rather Denver, Colorado raising money. Hearing about the Xinhai Revolution, Sun rushed back to China to capitalize on the situation before the country fell into leaderless chaos.

On January 1st, 1912 Sun Yat-sen declared the establishment of the Republic of China and one month later the Qing boy emperor Puyi officially abdicated the throne. Shortly thereafter Sun founded the Nationalist Party of China, known in Chinese as the Guomindang (gwoh-mihn-dahng).

In the 21st century the Guomindang, or Nationalist Party, remains one of the two major political parties of Taiwan although it hasn’t occupied the president’s office in Taipei since 2016.

Regarding the Nationalist Party’s name, its different Chinese romanizations are also worth discussing.
“Guomindang” is the spelling under the current PRC romanization system of pinyin. However before pinyin was invented, the older Wade-Giles system spelled it "Kuomintang" which some CO readers might recognize as KMT.

Anyone reading older history books on China and Taiwan might see references to “Kuomintang” and KMT, but even under Wade-Giles the correct pronunciation was always “gwoh-mihn-dahng,” even if journalists and politicians unfamiliar with Wade-Giles’ strange rules pronounced it (incorrectly) as “koo-mihn-tang.”

SUN’S CHINESE LEGACY

Sun’s political career after 1912 mirrored the politics of China: chaotic. We’ll get to that in upcoming chapters about the Chinese Republican and Nationalist eras. But last we’ll say a few words about his enduring legacy.

As the Correspondent noted earlier, Sun is celebrated by both the Chinese Communist Party and Taiwan's Nationalist Party, currently political adversaries and previously mortal enemies.

It’s no surprise that the Nationalists love Sun since, after all, he founded their party. The communists are a bit stranger story. Why would they worship the founder of an adversarial party who wasn’t a communist himself?

The CCP claims they venerate Sun for his work overthrowing the imperial system and writing the opening chapter of modern China. It also helps that Sun spoke about a vague form of “socialism,” although its Chinese interpretation more closely resembles “welfare of the people" and again, Sun never embraced Marxist communism.

Chinese president Xi Jinping also held a huge ceremony in Beijing for Sun’s 150th birthday, full of speeches and a giant portrait of the late revolutionary.

Whatever the reasons, the Economics Correspondent suspects the communists’ admiration for Sun is for real.

First, Mao Zedong also openly lauded Sun as a great revolutionary.

There are also Zhongshan Parks everywhere in China, borrowing Sun’s mandarin name.

And on a personal note, the Correspondent witnessed more evidence when he visited Dr. Sun’s mausoleum in Nanjing many years ago. 

After climbing up a gazillion stairs there’s a large hall with a sitting statue of Sun much like the Lincoln Memorial.
Surprisingly, painted on the ceiling of the hall is a giant blue and white Nationalist Party star, the same symbol flown on today's Taiwan flag (see photo).

Sun’s sarcophagus is in a smaller room behind the main hall, a circular rotunda with his coffin lowered in the center, visible but inaccessible to viewers who are blocked by high stone handrails. But once again, the circular rotunda ceiling is blue with the white Nationalist star.

The CCP has had 75 years to erase the Nationalist star and replace it with the CCP’s hammer and sickle but hasn’t, in the Correspondent’s far-from-perfect estimation out of respect for Sun’s legacy.

Today the outstanding outlier regarding Sun’s standing is Taiwan’s ruling Democratic Progressive Party, or DPP, which has held power for the last eight years. The DPP shares no such enthusiasm for Dr. Sun.

Since the DPP not only believes in Taiwanese independence but doesn’t even consider Taiwan to be part of China politically, historically, or culturally, they have little interest in revolutionaries who fomented political change on the mainland.

And true to form Sun’s legacy has become a tangential lightning rod in Taiwanese politics.  Along with removing Chiang Kai-shek statues all over Taiwan and renaming Taipei’s "Chiang Kai-shek airport" to “Taoyuan airport,” the DPP has also tried to remove monuments to Sun, all to howls of protest by KMT officials.

Also at least two former KMT leaders have visited Nanjing to pay their respects at Sun Yat-sen’s burial site, both times with CCP approval and major controversy in Taiwan.

The first, Lien Chan, was greeted warmly by CCP officials when he landed in 2004—in contrast to his departure from Taipei where protestors threw eggs and called him a traitor.

The second, former Taiwan president Ma Ying-jeou, visited in 2024 leading to more DPP criticism. And so Taiwan’s domestic politics rages on.